#France: Rassemblement à Paris en solidarité avec les prisonniers politiques sahraouis 

Najem Sidi, président du CARASO lors de son intervention
Une dizaine de personnes, associations, militants ou simples citoyens se sont rassemblés place de la république à Paris le même jour du procès des prisonniers politiques sahraouis du groupe Gdeim izik qu prend lieu à la cour d’appel de Salé, Maroc, le 13 Mars dernier. 
“Liberté aux prisonniers politiques sahraouis” clame ces manifestants et ainsi lit-on sur la grande banderole affichée avec des photos de ces prisonniers sahraouis. 

Après avoir sondé des slogans dénonçant le régime monarchique de Rabat et la complicité de la France dans cette aventure coloniale, les manifestants, en majorité des militants associatifs, ont tenu des discours dont lesquels ils mettent en cause l’occupation qui encore perdure au Sahara Occidental.

Najem Sidi et Nicole Gasnier de l’association AARASD

“Le procès en cours contre les prisonniers politiques sahraouis de Gdeim izik est inéquitable vu la particularité de la situation de ces prisonniers politiques” se révolte Najem Sidi, président du CARASO “Le Sahara Occidental est un territoire non-autonome est la convention de Genève est applicable dans telle circonstance, et puis, ces prisonniers sont des défenseurs des droits de l’homme. Ce procès n’est qu’une représaille contre leur activisme pacifique. C’est l’occupation marocaine du Sahara Occidental et le génocide et les crimes qu’elle a engendré qu’il faut mettre en procès. Ces prisonniers payent le prix de la liberté au peuple sahraoui”

Il y’a lieu de rappeler que ces prisonniers politiques sahraouis ont été incarcérés pendant les événements du 8 Novembre 2010 où des affrontements se sont tenus à El Aaiun, la capitale du Sahara Occidental et qui ont opposé des manifestants sahraouis aux forces de l’occupation marocaine, après que ces dernières eurent démantelé violemment le campement de « protestation » de Gdeim izik, situé à 12 km de la ville.


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Tourism in Dakhla is a royal family business

Photo: The West Eco-lodge, Dakhla

Mohammed VI’s cousin, Princess Lalla Noufissa El Yacoubi and her family are looking to establish themselves in the hotel business in the Dakhla area, where there is enormous tourist potential. Their investment is reinforcing the “kitesurf diplomacy” that Morocco has been testing with a view to normalizing its presence in the contested Western Sahara.
The Westpoint Eco-Lodge, which is due to open on the Atlantic coast of the Dakhla peninsula on March 10, is owned by Moulay Abdelaziz Sennoussi, Lalla Noufissa’s son. The 23-year-old businessman was previously best known as the organiser of the “Team Car Chaser” luxury charity automobile parade frequented by the Moroccan jet set. The 140-bed Balinese-style surfers’ hotel, which has cost him 22 million dirhams, will enable him to catch the wave already being surfed by his mother and father Driss Senoussi. They own the Dakhla Attitude hotel a few kilometres away. Sited on the lagoon, this relaxed boutique hotel, which has been designed to suit lovers of kitesurfing, was honoured by a visit by crown prince Moulay Hassan a year ago (MC 1198). Lalla Noufissa owns the establishment in her own name and via her company Dakhla Kids. The company seems to have expansion plans: its capital was increased from 100,000 dirhams to two million dirhams in November.
These investments exemplify the “new development model for the southern provinces” introduced by the king in 2015, which favors investments in the tourism industry. They also fit in with Morocco’s kitesurf diplomacy. Since the 2013 launch of the Dakhla Kiteboarding World Cup by Virgin Kitesurf World Championships, owned by British billionaire Richard Branson (MC nº1149), Moroccan diplomats have understood the advantages to be gained by turning Dakhla into a shop window. Thanks to the worldwide distribution of images of the competition and the presence there of young, switched-on visitors, 
Morocco’s presence in the Sahara can no longer be attributed solely to the OCP’s phosphate mines and intensive fishing. The message is being expertly relayed by Morocco’s lobbyists. Jean-Paul Carteron, whose Forum Crans Montana (FCN) stages an event in Dakhla ever year, referred to the city in February as the “world capital of windsurfing”. FCM has already given large-scale publicity to the Rio de Oro golf development inaugurated in March 2016. It is owned by Nicolas de Vahia, a French investor who already owns the Bab Al Bahr hotel.
Lalla Noufissa, a low profile business princess 

Lalla Noufissa El Yacoubi, daughter of the late Lalla Aicha, sister of Hassan II, is one of the least-known members of the royal family. Her last official appearance was for a family photo published by the royal palace in 2005 and her public activities since then have been largely limited to the presentation of trophies at the Lalla Aicha Tour School golf tournament. A Columbia University graduate, she is not known to be a shareholder of royal holding company SNI, a privilege of the king and his brothers and sisters, but she is nevertheless active in business. She is a shareholder in automobile concession holder Auto Hall (Nissan, Ford, Mitsubishi ), which belongs to the Guerraoui family and has a large stake in leading cattle feed producer Cicalim alongside former banker Youssef Alaoui. In the early 2000s, Alaoui bought a controlling stake in Cicalim from the AKWA group, co-owned by agriculture minister Aziz Akhannouch and Ali Wakrim. AKWA itself had just acquired it from ONA, forerunner of the SNI. Under Alaoui, Cicalim has become a leader in the poultry industry and plans to convert its Ain Sebaa complex, near the railway station, into a hotel. 
As for Driss Senoussi, Lalla Noufissa’s husband, he is one of the heirs of Badreddine Senoussi, Moroccan ambassador in Washington under Hassan II and then head of the Atlantic textile group. In 2010, the collapse of one of its subsidiaries, Legier Maroc, resulted in several banks, including the BCME, losing a total 1.5 billion dirhams. 

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#MoroccoLeaks: Morocco colossal bribes to African diplomats prior to its joining the African Union


Despite its flagrant trampling on the objectives of the constitutive act of the African Union that stipulates to “Defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its Member States”, the “Respect of borders existing on achievement of independence” and the “Prohibition of the use of force or threat to use force among Member States of the Union” Morocco, that by means of military force still occupies a large portion of the AU member founder Western Sahara republic, smoothly joined the African Union.  
Despite, also, declaring Joachim Chissano, the African Union’s special envoy to Western Sahara, a persona non grata in the Saharawi occupied territories and even in Morocco, the Moroccan king was hosted inside the premises of the African Union as an African liberator. An admission that, weirdly, took place with a relaxing majority. 

Why, then, the African Union admitted the membership of a country that not only tramples on this institution’s core constitutive act but also despises its role in the Saharawi cause, knowing that the peace plan set to resolve this protracted decolonization issue is under the auspices of the United Nations together with the African Union?

Some high officials from inside the African Union waxed lyrical on Morocco’s membership on the grounds that it might be a good opportunity to convince the Moroccans to abide by the Western Sahara peace plan of which the African Union is the second pillar partner. 

In a similar vein, some political pundits that often show up on various media outlets agree on this view based on the allegation that Morocco’s membership is a tacit recognition of the Saharawi republic as the Moroccan parliament ratified the AU constitutive act in which the Saharawi republic is a state member. 

On the other hand, some other analysts have an opposite stance considering that such move will even engender the destruction of this Pan-African institution as Morocco’s status goes against the very fundamental charter of the African Union
Nevertheless, amid all these conflicting views and speculations, a silent voice, through a twitter account baptized “Chris Coleman” and who in recent time brought global attention to a cache of authentic secret documents of the Moroccan diplomacy, has indeed the refutable evidence; Morocco succeeded in garnering support to its admission to the African Union thanks to a long course of colossal corrupt acts. 

As the content of the joined documents clearly witness, we can see mails of a Moroccan diplomat who seemed to have succeeded in setting up a network of relations behind the scenes at every summit of the African Union. Through these mails that were subsequently sent to his boss in Rabat, we learn that, at least on one occasion, cash money was handed over to some African delegations to swing the pendulum in favor of Morocco or, even worse, spy and leak secret information and internal files of the African Union to Morocco officials.

Morocco’s joining the African Union was the result of a lobbying policy in which an all pervasive corruption campaign has been its cornerstone.  

As shown in the mails, it is Moha Tagma, Director of the African Affaires at Morocco Foreign Department, briefing his superior the Moroccan minister of foreign affaires on his action plan. 
In a note he sent to his minister on May 05th, 2014, he put forward “proposals for the undertaken preparations to the next African Union Summit” that would be held in Addis Ababa. He suggests giving “individual envelopes of 5000 euros for each friend” and he lists those “friends” who represent the delegations of the following countries: Senegal, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Burkina Faso, Benin, Togo, Comoros, Djibouti, Niger Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Chad, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Somalia, Sudan, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Seychelles, Mali, Eritrea and Mauritania (Chair of the Council of the AU) “.

In another note dated on June 4th, 2014, Moh Tagma proposed to give Jean-Baptiste Natama from Burkina Faso, $ 2,500 “as an incentive to get him continue working with us.” Jean-Baptiste Natama was the Chief of Staff to the Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union (AU), Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, from October 2012 to February 2015. He was tasked of filtering out confidential documents from the African Commission to the Moroccan diplomat Moha Oualki Tagma, who currently serves as Morocco’s ambassador to Nigeria.
On July 29th, 2016, Morocco’s state-based “NGO” New Vision of Africa (NOV AFRIQUE) awarded Jean-Baptiste Natama the “PADEL 2016 international prize for the best promoter of diplomacy in Africa”.

 Nevertheless, in spite of all these shenanigans, Morocco was unable to change the unwavering support of the majority of the Africans to the just cause of the Saharawi people. The role of the African Union, instead, intensified and its personal envoy, Mr. Chissano’s intervention before the UN Security Council in 2016 has accentuated Morocco’s isolation in front of a unified Africa on the right of the Saharawi people to self-determination and independence. 

Morocco, thus, has bought a seat at the African Union by its usual lethal and despicable weapon of corruption. The supposed economic development for the welfare of the African nation is no more than a smokescreen to the Moroccan main agenda; obstructing the mounting role of the African Union in decolonizing occupied Western Sahara besides coveting and taking hold of the Saharawi people’s land. 

Khalil Asmar 

Follow at: @Sahara_Voice

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#MoroccoLeaks: Morocco brags about foiling #WesternSahara peace process

In a paper titled “the efforts advanced by the Moroccan diplomacy in the framework of expanding the circle of support to our national cause”, the Moroccan directorate at the United Nations brags about the success of the Moroccan diplomacy in foiling the peace process in its occupied Western Sahara. 

The above paper in Arabic reads “it (Morocco) has succeeded in foiling the peace plan and the Baker II plan that are based on the philosophy of the referendum with the option of independence” 

This confidential statement that was part of a global assessment of the Moroccan diplomatic efforts to garner support to what they consider the “Moroccan Sahara” leaves no doubt about the true approach of Morocco towards the UN peace process that is based on organizing a referendum that guarantees the self determination of the people of occupied Western Sahara. 

This document is, thus, a strong proof that it is Morocco that hampers the organization of such a plebiscite and that all the alibis subsequently brought by its media fanfares to justify the impossibility of holding a referendum is no more than a mere propaganda.  

Clearly enough, this document  demonstrates Morocco’s intransigence against the international community and  explains its aggressive behavior towards Christopher Ross, the current UN envoy to Western Sahara, who sticks to the international legality and the core task of the MINURSO, the UN peace mission for the referendum in occupied Western Sahara. 

It is worth noting that the above document is among the mass leaked cables of the mysterious whistleblower Chris Coleman. The cables that were subsequently authentified by experts.  


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Maroc: le trafic de drogue a représenté près d’un quart du PIB en 2016 (Département d’Etat Américain)

Le trafic de drogue a représenté près de 23% du PIB du Maroc en 2016, soit l’équivalent de 23 milliards de dollars, a indiqué jeudi le département d’Etat américain.
“La production totale de cannabis au Maroc en 2015-2016 est estimée à 700 tonnes métriques, ce qui, potentiellement équivaut à 23% du PIB marocain estimé à 100 milliards de dollars”, souligne le département d’Etat dans son rapport 2017 sur le trafic de drogue et la criminalité financière dans le monde.
Le rapport précise que le Maroc, premier producteur et exportateur de Cannabis au monde, est devenu un pays de transit important de Cocaïne provenant de l’Amérique du sud en direction de l’Europe.
Les deux saisies record de Cocaine opérées en 2016 (1.230 kg et 250kg) illustrent l’énorme trafic de drogues dures au Maroc.
Le département d’Etat relève que le gouvernement marocain a “reconnu ses limites” en matière de lutte contre la drogue. La situation a été rendue difficile par “les rivalités existantes entre les agences marocaines chargées de l’application de la loi” qui ont provoqué un “chevauchement des mandats en matière de lutte contre la drogue”.
Devant l’incapacité du gouvernement à lutter contre ce fléau qui a pris des proportions importantes, plusieurs observateurs de la société civile au Maroc ont préconisé la création d’une agence de lutte contre le trafic de stupéfiants.
Le rapport précise que l’administration américaine chargée de la lutte contre la drogue (DEA) a ouvert en février dernier à Rabat son premier bureau régional en Afrique mais l’absence d’un accord bilatéral d’extradition rend la tache difficile à DEA.
Au Maroc, 19.000 personnes sont en détention pour des affaires liées au trafic de drogue, soit 25% du nombre des détenus dans ce pays, selon le rapport.
Le département d’Etat s’inquiète de l’ampleur du blanchiment d’argent au Maroc issu du trafic de cannabis et du transit de la Cocaïne destinée à l’Europe.
Les fonds sont facilement blanchis grâce aux transactions immobilières et l’acquisition de produits de luxe comme les bijoux ou les véhicules haut de gamme, précise le rapport.
Les banques offshore situées dans la zone franche de Tanger sont devenues un véritable trou noir de la finance marocaine. Le département d’Etat cite des rapports de l’Unité marocaine du traitement du renseignement financier (UTRF) qui ont confirmé l’utilisation de cette zone franche dans le blanchiment d’argent.


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Photo: Des soldats sahraouis qui posent sur le passage goudronné par le Maroc après le retrait de ses forces de El Guarguarate, Sahara Occidental 

par Maître Takioullah Eidda
Aux termes des paragraphes 14 et 18 des modalités du cessez le feu intervenu en 1991 entre le Maroc et le F.Polisario, il est spécifiquement prévu que:
14. Immédiatement après la proclamation du cessez le feu, les parties au conflit cesseront toutes leurs opérations militaires, y compris les mouvement des troupes, le renforcement des effectifs, ainsi que les actes de violences ou d’intimidation. 
(…) 18. a) Les parties au conflit s’engagent à observer scrupuleusement la cessation complète de tous les actes d’hostilité (…) et le cantonnement de leurs forces armées. 
Comme on le sait, lors de l’entrée en vigueur du cesser le feu en 1991, la zone de Guergarete se trouvait dans la partie sous le contrôle du F. Polisario. Le Maroc avait manifestement accepté et intégré ce fait, puisqu’il ne l’a jamais contesté. Mieux, il a établi depuis 1991 son poste de contrôle effectif à quelques km plus à l’Ouest sur la ligne de démarcation.
Le 11 août 2016, à la surprise générale, le Maroc transgresse la ligne de démarcation et viole intentionnellement les termes et l’esprit des modalités du cessez le feu.
Le Polisario s’est trouvé alors dans l’obligation de défendre la partie territoriale qui se trouve sous son contrôle depuis l’entrée en vigueur de l’accord en 1991, tout en saisissant les éléments de l’ONU sur place. Mais, peine perdue! Le Maroc passe outre les objections des uns et des autres et entreprend unilatéralement, et sans consultations au préalable, les travaux d’aménagement sous le contrôle de ses forces militaires.
Aujourd’hui, après le retrait du Maroc, il incombe en priorité au F.Polisario de mettre en place un ou des postes de contrôle et de tris des biens et des passants dans la zone.
Car, à l’instar du Maroc, il est de facto responsable de la gestion et le contrôle de la partie du territoire sous son autorité. Cela comprend non seulement le devoir de réguler, mais aussi celui de contrôler et d’imposer les modalités nécessaires et efficaces pour la mise en œuvre de l’accord du cessez le feu, le tout en attendant les résultats définitifs du référendum d’autodétermination à venir, référendum (ne l’oublions pas) pour lequel toutes ces modalités ont été mises en place. 
Évidemment, de telles obligations nécessitent des moyens matériels et humains, d’où l’exigence pour le Polisario d’imposer des frais aux voyageurs dans la zone de Guergarete, selon le principe et la logique de «l’utilisateur payeur».
Est-il nécessaire de rappeler ici que dans la partie qu’il occupe du Sahara Occidental, le Maroc s’adonne, sans droit, à des activités de taxation directe et indirecte, d’exploitation des ressources naturelles et, en output, d’exportation suivie d’encaissement des dividendes de celles-ci ! 
À fortiori, le F.Polisario est en droit, lui-aussi, d’imposer des frais dans la partie du territoire sous son contrôle, si cela est dans l’intérêt du peuple sahraoui ou encore va dans le sens de la consolidation de la paix, ce qui est manifestement le cas en l’espèce.
Ne l’oublions pas, contrairement au Maroc, au Sahara Occidental le F.Polisario tire sa légitimé du droit incontesté du peuple sahraoui à l’autodétermination. 
Partant de cette légitimité juridique effective et temporelle, ce mouvement jouit de toutes les prérogatives nécessaires, incluant le pouvoir de coercition et de taxation, et ce, jusqu’à que le peuple sahraoui décide définitivement de son destin suivant la légalité internationale. 
Maître Takioullah Eidda, avocat


Montréal, Canada



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A leaked cable show Australia government not willing to stop phosphate imports from occupied #WesternSahara

 “Australia will not change its stance in dealing with the phosphate exports from our country despite the critics that the Australian government is facing up from some unions and organizations” this was the statement made by Paul Robillard, the general manager in charge of east and west of Asia and the Middle East in Australia foreign department to his counterpart Mohamed Malainin, the Moroccan ambassador to Australia. The statement was then reported by the Moroccan ambassador to his superior officials in Rabat after a working meeting with Paul Robillard at the Australian foreign department headquarters in Canberra. The document was labelled “secret” and sent on 30th of August, 2012.

The leaked cable was divulged by a mysterious twitter account bearing the name of Chris Coleman; the whistleblower who launched an avalanche of secret cables of Morocco foreign department and Morocco intelligence service. 

This authentic document clearly denotes the level of complicity of the Australian government with the Moroccan colonial project in occupied Western Sahara and the official involvement of Australia state in the systematic plundering and theft of the phosphate of this occupied territory.

For the record, to grab the phosphate and other resources of Western Sahara, Morocco monarchical regime in 1975, had to brutally occupy the Saharawi land, killing thousands of Saharawis and displacing other hundreds of thousands still languishing for more than 40 years in south west of neighboring Algeria. 

Australia is, thus, an accomplice in trading with the blood phosphate of Western Sahara. 

The Australian premeditated involvement in importing the blood phosphate of Western Sahara against the wishes and aspirations of its people tramples the international law, further cements Morocco’s colonial project by contributing in financing its ugly occupation and undermines the protracted UN peace process. 


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