The nightmare of two Polish journalists visiting occupied territories of Western Sahara 

A press release of two Polish journalists who visited Elaaiun this September, and then deported to Agadir:

We begin by expressing our gratitude to everyone who helped us get by and understand Sahrawi people’s hardship in occupied territories.
We intend to describe the events that followed our kidnapping by the police from our hotel in El Aaiun. September 9 around 11 pm we returned to the hotel and over there we were surprised by 10 undercover police officers who instructed us to pack our luggages swiftly. We have been given no explanations whatsoever despite our questions. We were only told we will get deported because we meet with political activists. We were refused the right to call the embassy of our country. The officers have not identified themselves even though we have asked them to do it.

We have been escorted to a vehicle by several officers and transported outside of a town, into the desert with one single building within our horizon where we have been kept over 2 hours. We assume it is a functioning checkpoint. There were 18 persons over there, presumably all of them plainclothes officers.

The attitude of the interrogators was increasingly aggressive throughout all the time. There were persons specifically assigned to watch us constantly.

At the beginning of interrogation our phones were seized and switched off. We were told to pass them all the electronic devices we own. Nevertheless the interrogators have not been satisfied with what they found, they have asked us to present another and another photo camera, and insisting to give the SD card. At that point they begun shouting at us that we are journalists and we are obliged to pass them the result of our work implying that otherwise it is impossible we are the tourists because there are no tourists in El Aaiun. At that moment another person has appeared in to the room. It was certainly alarming that he knew a lot about us. He has threatened us with grave consequences if we publish any material from El Aaiun anywhere in the world. It was clear to us these were death threats.

They tried to gain our trust and convince that Sahrawi activists are thieves and are interested only in financial gains.

Afterwards they have told us to put our backpack on the table and 4 persons begun searching them thoroughly. They have been taking pictures of the content including our diaries and handwritten notes. From the very beginning in the hotel, until the end of the interrogation, one of them was continously taking picture of us. When they finished we have been instructed to collect our belongings and put them in a car outside and take place inside. Few minutes later we were told to leave the vehicle and return to the room in order to put the content of our pockets on the table. There were no objects of interest among and we were told to return to the vehicle. There was no sensitive material whatsoever found on us neither we have articulated any information that could be useful to them.

The vehicle was a Grand taxi and its driver had been instructed to never speak to us. He would never stop for our requests. The journey took 8 hours. We have been dropped on the outskirts of Agadir. Ever since we have been followed by undercover police officers constantly until the very moment of departure from Morocco, two days later.

In solidarity!

M., S

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Sonya Reines-Djivanides, the woman who spilled the secrets to Morocco

  Hastily, she went out to write an email to a Moroccan secret service agent to spill the secrets of a meeting of think thanks and experts of the UN Group of Western Sahara confined to them by UN special envoy Christopher Ross in order to design some guidelines to help resolve the dispute in Western Sahara. The leaked email was sent on December 8th, 2010, when Sonya Reines was the Director of “Search For Common Grounds” Bruxelles headquarters, and the email recipient was the Moroccan informer and media group owner Ahmed Charai, who in the following day forwarded it to Yassin Mansouri, the boss of DGED, Morocco external intelligence service . (See email below)

Sonya Reines-Djivanides representing SFCG, Search For Common Grounds, was called to take part in the meeting of experts and think thanks to analyze and outline recommendations to Western Sahara special envoy, Mr. Christopher Ross to help him draw a roadmap before the two conflicting opponents at the negotiating table to resolve the long protracted colonial dispute over Western Sahara. The mission outcomes, thus, were not supposed to reach the two belligerents, Morocco or the Polisario Front.

However, Sonya Reines leaked the closed meeting outcomes to Ahmed Charai. More than that, and as mentioned in the email, she asked for a personal meeting to debrief him on the meeting and talk about the next step. She, undoubtedly, was seeking to get the Moroccan state official vision so as to pinpoint it in her NGO’s report during the coming debates of experts and think thanks whose final report was due to be submitted to Christopher Ross before December 16th of the same month, the date of the resumption of Manhasset negotiations between Morocco and the Polisario Front, Western Sahara internationally recognized representative.

Sonya Reines, thus, committed a serious ethical violation against the trust put on her by Christopher Ross, the UN representative to Western Sahara.

A year later in December 4th, 2011, Ahmed Charai, this same Moroccan intelligence agent, would be intercepted by the International Airport of Washington customs service in possession of about 20 thousands dollars, a sum of money that he didn’t declare, and thus was accused of “false declaration of a significant amount of money”. His release was bailed out by Morocco state through other special channels. 

It is quite obvious that Sonya Reines’ move to divulge secret information to Ahmed Charai and calling him to come over to the US was in counter part of personal material gains betraying the very founding principals ethics of her NGO, Search For Common Grounds, and the trustworthiness of the party hiring her consultancy.

Currently, Sonya Reines-Djivanides is the executive director of the European Peacebuilding Liaison Office (EPLO), an independent platform of NGOs and think tanks committed to the prevention of violent conflict. According to its official website, EPLO aims to influence the EU so that it promotes and implements measures which lead to sustainable peace between states and within states and peoples, and which transform and resolve conflicts non-violently.

In similar cables laid online by the mysterious Chris Coleman, other high profiled journalists, distinguished diplomats and many other personalities have been the subject matter of scandalous revelations. The cables that subsequently have been authenticated by professional experts.

It is worth mentioning that we tried to join Sonya Reines Djivanedes to comment on theses cables but suddenly her twitter account has been locked, as well that of EPLO. 

Khalil Asmar


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UN: Stephen Zunes: Testimony before the conference on decolonization of Western Sahara 

United Nations, June 23, 2006
  Stephen Zunes, University of San Francisco
My interest in the dispute over Western Sahara is based not simply upon my belief in justice for that country’s people, but its implications in regard to international law and the principles upon which theUnited Nations organization is founded. These include the right of self-determination by non-self-governing territories and the inadmissibility of any country expanding its territory by force. Since I am not from Western Sahara, I have no stake as to whether the people of that country choose integration with Morocco, independence, or some sort of autonomy within the Moroccan kingdom. However, as a non-self-governing territory, they must have the right to make that choice.
The Kingdom of Morocco remains in contravention of a series of UN Security Council resolutions calling on that government to allow the people of the territory the right to determine their own future, including the option of independence.
Instead, the Moroccan government and its allies have been pushing for a so-called “autonomy” plan. This proposal falls well short of what is required to bring about a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Moreover, it sets a dangerous precedent which threatens the very foundations of the post-World War II international legal system.
To begin with, the proposal is based upon the assumption that Western Sahara is part of Morocco, a contention that has long been rejected by the United Nations, the International Court of Justice, the African Union, and a broad consensus of international legal opinion. To accept Morocco’s autonomy plan would mean that, for the first time since the founding of the United Nations and the ratification of its Charter more than seventy ago, the international community would be endorsing the expansion of a country’s territory by military force and denying a recognized non-self-governing territory its right of self-determination, thereby establishing a very dangerous and destabilizing precedent.
If the people of Western Sahara accepted an autonomy agreement over independence as a result of a free and fair referendum, it would constitute a legitimate act of self-determination. However, Morocco has explicitly stated that its autonomy proposal “rules out, by definition, the possibility for the independence option to be submitted” to the people of Western Sahara, the vast majority of whom – according to most knowledgeable international observers – favor outright independence.
Even if one takes a dismissive attitude toward international law, there are a number of practical concerns regarding the Moroccan proposal as well:
One is that the history of respect for regional autonomy on the part of centralized authoritarian states is quite poor, and has often led to violent conflict. For example, in 1952, the United Nations granted the British protectorate (and former Italian colony) of Eritrea autonomous federated status within Ethiopia. In 1961, however, the Ethiopian emperor unilaterally revoked Eritrea’s autonomous status, annexing it as the country’s fourteenth province, resulting in a bloody thirty-year struggle for independence and subsequent border wars between the two countries which have claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.Similarly, the unilateral revocation of Kosovo’s autonomy by the Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic in1989 led to a decade of conflict, an eleven-week NATO bombing campaign, and the still-unresolved legal status of that territory.
Based upon Morocco’s record of breaking its promises to the international community regarding the United Nations-mandated referendum for Western Sahara and related obligations based on the 1991 cease fire agreement, there is little to inspire confidence that Morocco would live up to its promises to provide genuine autonomy for Western Sahara. A close reading of the proposal also raises questions as to how much autonomy is even being offered. Important matters such as control of Western Sahara’s natural resources and law enforcement (beyond local jurisdictions) remain ambiguous.
In addition, the proposal appears to indicate that all powers not specifically vested in the autonomous region would remain with the Kingdom. Indeed, since the King of Morocco is ultimately invested with absolute authority under article 19 of the Moroccan Constitution, the autonomy proposal’s insistence that the Moroccan state “will keep its powers in the royal domains, especially with respect to defence, external relations and the constitutional and religious prerogatives of His Majesty the King” appears to afford the monarch considerable latitude in interpretation.
Furthermore, Morocco has been illegally colonizing the occupied Western Sahara with tens of thousands of settlers. As in the case of the Israeli settlers of the West Bank and Golan Heights, the transfer of a country’s civilian population onto lands seized by military force is a clear violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention. These Moroccan settlers already outnumber the indigenous population, who would therefore not be able to exercise whatever limited degree of self-rule that the kingdom may offer.
Still another reason to distrust Morocco’s proposed autonomy plan is the poor human rights situation in the occupied Western Sahara, where any expression of nationalist sentiments—displaying flags, signs, protests, or any public expression—is brutally suppressed. I have visited over seventy countries—including Iraq under Saddam Hussein and Indonesia under Suharto—and I have never seen a worse police state. The US-based NGO Freedom House—which, if anything, has a something of a bias in support of pro-Western governments—has ranked Western Sahara as having one of very worst human rights situations in the world. Amnesty International and other reputable human rights organizations have issued a number of scathing reports on human rights abuses by Morocco. The brutal suppression by Moroccan occupation forces of those who support independence is but one indication of the Moroccan government’s lack of respect for the well-being of the people of Western Sahara and underlies the imperative of including a human rights mandate for MINURSO, currently the only UN peacekeeping force which lacks that authority.
Some observers see autonomy as a reasonable compromise between independence and integration, constituting a kind of win/win situation between the Sahrawi desire for self-governance and the Moroccan desire for sovereignty over the territory. However, unlike certain ethnic conflicts or border disputes where such a “third way” between the demands of two parties would constitute a creative means of conflict resolution, Western Sahara is a clear-cut case of self-determination for a people struggling against foreign military occupation. This is not a matter of “splitting the difference,” given that one party is anon-self-governing territory under an illegal foreign military occupation and the other party is an occupier effectively playing the role of a colonizer.
This is why the international community rejected Iraq’s proposals in 1990-91 for some kind of compromise regarding its occupation of Kuwait and why the U.S.-led “peace process” on Israel/Palestine based upon the alleged need for the two parties to “compromise” on the extent of Israeli control over territories occupied by Israel in the June 1967 war has failed to resolve the conflict. The Polisario Front has already offered guarantees to protect Moroccan strategic and economic interests if allowed full independence. To insist that the people of Western Sahara must give up their moral and legal right to genuine self-determination is therefore not a recipe for conflict resolution, but for far more serious conflict in the future.
The recent illegal expulsion of MINURSO civilian personnel and the anti-UN incitement by the Moroccan regime in response to the Secretary General’s use of the word “occupation”—despite the fact that the term has already been included in UN General Assembly resolutions and is in common use among international legal scholars—is but one indication of that government’s unwillingness to live up to its international responsibilities.
Morocco has succeeded in resisting its international legal obligations for more than four decades through its support from France and, under some administrations, the United States as well. As a result of French and American veto threats, the Security Council has failed to place the Western Sahara issue under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, which would give the international community the power to impose sanctions or other appropriate leverage to force the Moroccan regime to abide by the UN mandates it has to date disregarded.
It was similar support by Western industrialized nations of Indonesia which for many years prevented resolution to the occupation of East Timor. It was only after human rights organizations, church groups, and a wide array of activists in the United States, Great Britain, and Australia successfully pressured their governments to end their support for Indonesia’s occupation that the Indonesian government was finally willing to offer a referendum which gave the East Timorese their right to self-determination. It may take similar grassroots campaigns in Europe and North America to ensure that Western powers live up to their international legal obligations and pressure Morocco to allow the people of Western Sahara the right to determine their own destiny.
Given Morocco’s unwillingness to live up to its international legal responsibilities, its refusal to live up to its obligations under the cease fire agreement, and the failure of the UN Security Council to enforce its mandate, the Polisario has threatened to resume the armed struggle. As a people under foreign belligerent occupation in non-self-governing territory denied the right to self-determination, the Western Saharans do have the right of armed resistance. However, this would be a serious strategic error that would only play into the hands of Morocco and its supporters and weaken their appeal for badly-needed international support.
The most effect means of resistance would be the kind of nonviolent civil resistance which has brought down dozens of autocratic regimes in recent decades and freed the Baltic republics from Soviet occupation. We have seen impressive examples of such resistance in the occupied Western Sahara in recent years.
There are limits to what such nonviolent resistance can achieve, however, due to the fact that the indigenous population is now badly outnumbered by Moroccan settlers.
Still, the growth of the non-violent resistance struggle in the occupied territories offers a unique opportunity to build international awareness of the conflict among civil society organizations that could offer much-needed solidarity with the freedom struggle inside Western Sahara. Nonviolent civil resistance and other forms of non-cooperation provide an important signal to the Moroccan occupiers and the international community that the people of Western Sahara still demand their freedom and will not accept anything less than genuine self-determination. The use of strategic nonviolent methods of resistance also makes it easier to highlight gross and systematic violations of international humanitarian law by Moroccan occupation forces, gain sympathy and support from the international human rights community, and provide greater pressure on the French, American and other governments which continue to prevent appropriate pressure on Morocco to allow the people of Western Sahara the right to determine their own destiny.
There is a small but growing movement in Europe supporting Western Sahara’s right to national self-determination, as well as some similar civil society initiatives in South Africa, other African countries, Australia, Japan, and the United States. A growing focus on the issue of the illegal exploitation of natural resources in Western Sahara is providing proponents of international law and human rights a means of which to challenge governments and companies which illegally take advantage the occupationby targeting them through campaigns advocating boycotts, divestment, and sanctions. At this point, however, such movements are too small to have much impact on government policies, particular those of France and the United States, which are the two governments most responsible for the failure of the United Nations to enforce its resolutions addressing the conflict. This can change, however: Just over twenty years ago, there was relatively little civil society activityin developed nations regarding East Timor, but a dramatic growth in such activism in the late 1990s played an important role in making possible East Timor’s eventual independence.
A similar campaign may be the best hope for the people of Western Sahara and the best hope we have to save the vitally important post-World War II legal principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
If the international community cannot fulfil its responsibilities on this issue – where the legal and moral imperatives are so clear – how can it deal with more complex issues? If the international community cannot uphold the fundamental right of self-determination, how can it successfully defend other human rights? If the international community cannot enforce a series of United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding such a blatant violation of the UN Charter as a member state invading, occupying, annexing and colonizing a neighboring country, how can it enforce other provisions of international law?
The stakes are not simply about the future of one small country, but the question as to which principle will prevail in the 21st century: the right of self-determination, or the right of conquest? The answer could determine the fate not just of the Western Sahara, but that of the entire international legal order for many decades to come.


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Hillary Clinton et Nicolas Sarkozy, les dangers éminents sur le peuple sahraoui

09-12-29-sarkozy-bruni-Mohammed VIclinton foundation cartoon1

Ils sont deux candidats pour l’échéance des prochaines élections présidentielles et ils jouissent d’une présence relativement très marquante dans les indices de sondages électoraux malgré les difficultés et les diatribes de la presse et l’opinion public l’accusant d’être derrière les guerres qui secouent le Moyen Orient, le Maghreb et le Sahel Africain.

Ils défendent à bec et ongles les agissements impérialistes, l’occupation et la suppression des peuples tels que le peuple colonisé au Sahara Occidental contre lequel ils se positionnent en faveur de l’occupation marocaine.

Le couronnement de Hillary et Sarkozy au sommet des deux super puissances mondiales, la France et l’Amérique, s’avère un danger réel sur les sahraouis et leur combat légitime de libération face à l’une des plus vicieuses occupations des temps modernes et qui encore perdure pendant quatre décennies.

Pourtant, leur appui feutré de l’occupant marocain n’est pas tout à fait gratuit et il n’est pas en aucun cas une conséquence au respect de la loi et la légalité internationale. Il a pris sa taille et s’est subséquemment pris plus de poids à travers un roi si généreux, moyennant des dons, cadeaux et pots de vin de valeurs faramineuses ; la diplomatie habituelle de la monarchie marocaine.

L’argent du “Phosphate du sang” et la Fondation Clinton

 Il paraît que les Clinton acceptent tous les dons même si leurs sources sont catégoriquement douteuses. En effet, le site d’information a rapporté le 8 Avril dernier une information qui montre que la Fondation Clinton a encaissé une somme d’un million de dollars transférée par l’OCP à son profit via Covington & Burling LLP, son cabinet de lobbying installé à Washington DC.

L’OCP, un géant  de production de fertilisants et d’exploitation de phosphates, dont le roi du Maroc est le patron incontestable, est accusé par la communauté internationale et la population sahraouie de piller les richesses du Sahara Occidental occupé.

L’argent volé du peuple sahraoui par l’occupant marocain sert donc à alimenter les caisses de cette fondation, et sans scrupules ni éthiques, en acceptant une telle donation, Hillary Clinton soutient le pillage illégale des ressources naturelles d’un peuple colonisé.

Ce peuple dépossédé de sa terre et dont la moitié vit sous l’occupation virulente du régime de Rabat tandis que l’autre moitié des sahraouis sont éparpillés à travers la région et contraints de vivre des existences de misère en tant que réfugiés depuis plus de quatre décennies.

Ces “pots de vin à peine masqués”  comme les a décrit le sénateur américain Rand Paul servent, entre autres, à enrôler Hillary dans les objectifs expansionnistes de sa majesté. Dans le même sillage, le républicain Joe Pitts a appelé la Fondation Clinton à rendre le don « provenant d’une entreprise marocaine qui exploite les ressources du Sahara occidental ».

Ces dons, pots de vin, expliquent alors le soutien mordicus de Hillary au régime monarchique de Rabat qu’elle a qualifié de “leader et modèle” malgré les rapports annuels de l’administration américaine qui l’épinglent sur les dossiers des droits de l’homme au Maroc et le Sahara Occidental occupé.

Sarkozy et les séjours royales au Maroc

 C’était notamment une fuite de photos postées sur Instagram par son fils Louis Sarkozy que le monde s’est réveillé sur un scandale à grandes proportions. En effet, il paraît que Nicolas Sarkozy a bien l’habitude de passer des vacances impériales sous le soleil du Maroc hébergé, lui et sa famille dans les palais luxueux du roi du Maroc. L’information éventée par son fils sur les réseaux sociaux a choqué nombre de ses concitoyens alors que Sarkozy est devenu de plus en plus un des féaux de sa majesté.

Dans une conférence organisée à Abu Dhabi quelques jours après ses vacances au Maroc, Sarkozy rivalise de superlatif pour s’égosiller du succès de la monarchie marocaine avant de regretter que tout le monde n’ait pas “la chance d’avoir un souverain comme le roi du Maroc”.

Plus aberrant encore et afin de remercier ses hôtes pour les vacances royales, Sarkozy a tenu des propos qui vont à l’encontre même de l’état français. «La France a toujours soutenu la marocanité du Sahara occidental», avait-il notamment déclaré avant de marteler “J’ai toujours pensé ça”

La France, en fait, et malgré l’appui politique et militaire apporté au Maroc dans cette affaire de décolonisation n’a jamais qualifié le Sahara Occidental d’être une terre marocaine.

Par ailleurs, l’attente d’un possible couronnement de Hillary Clinton et Nicolas Sarkozy respectivement élu à la tête de leurs états explique les manœuvres dilatoires du Maroc face à la décolonisation du Sahara Occidental comme il est stipulé et exigé par le processus de paix onusien.

Néanmoins, devant un monde de plus en plus conscient de la cause sahraouie et une communauté internationale qui porte un appui ardent pour décoloniser le Sahara Occidental, Hillary et Sarkozy, pourront-ils changer la loi et la légalité internationale et maintenir le statuquo au Sahara Occidental occupé comme le veut le régime colonialiste de Rabat?

Khalil Asmar 

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I dream of my father, but when I wake up I look at the wall and cry… 


Fatma Zawi 8 years old
The children of the Saharawi political prisoners are the forgotten victims, who suffer their parents plight on the skin. Of the more than 50 Saharawi political prisoners, many have children. Some of these children were born after the arrest of their parents.   
Morocco sends the Saharawi political prisoners to Moroccan prisons, outside the occupied territories of Western Sahara, kidnapping these men to a foreign country, hundreds and sometimes thousands of kilometres away from their families.   

The Moroccan authorities violate not only the rights of the political prisoners but also the rights of their minor children.   

There are several cases of minor children who watched the arrest and detention of their parents, invading the houses, one extreme violence scenario that causes trauma for life, as documented by various organizations and academic institutions.   

These children are deprived of visiting regularly their parents, some of them never visited and when visits are permitted, they are made in an atmosphere of intimidation.  

 Catarina, daughter of Jose Casanova, a member of the Portuguese Communist Party and political prisoner during the dictatorship of Salazar, tells us that the effects of being the daughter of a political prisoner never go away, even more than four decades past. She recalls the emotions she felt as a child: panic, anxiety, and despair. Terror when the PIDE (police of the fascist regime) came into the house to conduct searches and the immense longing of her father.   

She remembers the visits in prison, although at the time she did not reach the scope of the injustice of her father’s and her aunt’s arrest. The visits she associates to the cold due to the tiles, the guards and forced physical separation.  

 Catarina was forced to live in exile in Brussels, a country she doesn’t miss and still does not like to speak French.  

 After decades Fatma Zawi lives the same drama. Sahrawi born in Fuerteventura, daughter of Houcein Zawi and Maluma Saadi, has two sisters, Aya 12 years old, born in El Aaiun and Aziza 5 years born in Bilbao.  

Houcein Zawi is one of the Saharawi political prisoners of the Gdaim Izik Group. He participated in 2010 in the protest camp known as Gdaim Izik, that gathered tens of thousands of Saharawis from the occupied territories in the desert near the capital El Aaiun, there they were peacefully claiming their social, economic and political rights for one month, Noam Chomsky refers to this camp as the beginning of the Arab spring. 

After the brutal dismantling of the camp by the Moroccan military, hundreds of persons were arrested and tortured for participating in this peaceful protest, 21 of these prisoners were judged to 20 years to life imprisonment, Houcein Zawi is one of them.  

Fatma is a girl like so many others, she likes pink clothes, cartoons, loves swings and playing in the park, she is affectionate with her little cousins. She likes to dance, but doesn’t do it in public. 

“When my father is out of prison I will dance” she tells me with the serious air of one who has to explain the obvious to an adult.   

“I do not see my father for two years, he is very far away…. I was 6 years old the last time I saw him in prison. I went there with the wife of my grandfather, we can not go all together. ”   

Houcein Zawi has a 25-year sentence, accused of crimes he did not commit, and brutally tortured numerous times, suffering from asthma and other health problems, the prison where he is, is more than 1100km away.   

For his wife and her three daughters to visit they have to spend at least 600Euros on the trip and stay. A very high value for any Sahrawi family. “I do not understand why my father is in prison, I saw a video of him talking with a turban on his head in Gdaim Izik camp, my father is good … in this camp people were protesting because they have problems with the Moroccans. The Moroccans should go to their country and leave the Sahara, stop hurting us. ”   

Her mother, Maluma, interrupts and says: “My eldest daughter, Aya, one of the times we visited her father, saw him surrounded by police handcuffed with his hands behind his back, Aya wanted to hug her father but could not, she was 6 years old at the time and Fatma little over 2. She began to cry a lot and told the guard that those who are arrested are bad people and criminals, the police should arrest the bad people not the good, and they (the guards) were bad cops because they took her father who did not hurt anyone and is not a criminal. 

They opened the handcuffs to calm the girl, but they were hanging from the wrist of Zawi and Fatma asked why the father had bracelets. ”   

The smallest Aziza also has visited her father in prison, she never lived with her father, she was born after his arrest.   

Fatma continues: “The prison is in Sale, Rabat, far away, it’s a large building with a large door and then a lot of doors, it has a lot of police. A man calls the prisoners, then we seat at a table with chairs, there are many prisoners and families and many guards and they hear everything. I brought my father a sweet, a Torrón (sweet honey, egg white and almond) and hugged him very strong, I did not want to leave, I was very happy, but then I cried a lot, I wanted to stay longer with him. This has been a long time ago, I was still very young.  

My sisters and I talk about our father when we are together and sometimes at night. Once I dreamed that I had been told that he had been released, I woke up and thought it was true, I woke my older sister to tell her that our father was free, but it was just a dream. We want him to be released, and the other Sahrawi prisoners, who are with him, they should not to be imprisoned, they are good. ”   

Fatma does not go to the Moroccan public school in El Aaiun in the occupied territory where she lives, is not safe says her mother. 

 “You know, I dream of my father, and when I wake up I look at the wall and cry …. When I talk to my father on the phone I first ask how he is, then I tell him what we are doing at home, at school, with my family .. ”  

 Fatma wants to know why they do not release her father and when he will be released.  

 “In El Aaiun there are many manifestations” Labadil Labadi Antakrir El Massir “- there is no other solution than self-determination protesters shout, I’ve seen it many times and then comes the police to beat them and put people in vans. They hit the Saharawis a lot for being Saharawis, they do not beat the Moroccans. They enter the houses and destroy everything, beating people, I’ve seen it … they enter by force, they do not have keys, they are not visits, they enter by force !!! They are very bad, but I’m not afraid of them! Once I told one of them that he was evil and other things .. If I had one wish, I would demand the freedom of my father, ” says Fatma.   

Maluma, listens to her daughter with sadness in the eyes of a mother who can not erase her daughter’s pain. “They are very sad when they see other children who have fathers. For me the arrest of my husband is very difficult, not only because he is far away, but because the responsibility of raising my daughters is mine alone. It costs me a lot not being able to see them happy. The oldest is the one that was most affected, she was angry, it affected her studies, she was unwilling to do anything … always sad … ”   

The violence children in the occupied territories are subjected to on a daily basis, is comparable to a war scenario. The blue and white vans, the civil cars, thousands of military, police and plainclothes agents who cruise the streets, turned this territory into an open-air prison. Intimidation is constant and no one is spared.  

 Fatma will have painful memories as does Catarina, the two are bonded because they are victims of a terror regime. The international community did not protect Catarina, and does not protect Fatma, despite the passing of decades and all the mechanisms for a referendum in Western Sahara being in place.  

 Each of us has the duty to demand the release of these innocent men and to demand that Fatma and all Saharawi children can live in their country freely, without the constant terror of occupation 


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Sit-in des sahraouis de Mhairiz occupé; l’occupant marocain continue de priver les sahraouis de leur terre  

  Des sahraouis qui vivent dans la province de Mhairiz occupée, une ville dans l’extrême sud du Sahara Occidental sous occupation marocaine, entament ces jours-ci un sit-in pour dénoncer le vol de leur terre et sa confiscation en faveur des colons marocains.

“Je suis native de cette région, divorcée et moi et mes petits enfants, nous n’avons aucun abri” disait Salma, l’une des protestants sahraouis “on n’a jamais bénéficié d’un logement, ni un bout de terre sur lequel je peux construire une maison. Notre terre est confisquée et donnée à des marocains qui n’ont jamais entendu par Mhairiz jusqu’au moment où ils ont été  apportés par le Makhzen pour peupler notre terre” s’indignait-elle dans un témoignage poignant avant que le ton de sa voix soulève en signe de protestation “à chaque moment où je tape sur la porte d’un responsable, il refuse de m’accueillir. Je suis sahraouie et, en sus, je suis pauvre; deux motifs suffisants pour me chasser en dehors” 

Mohamedde sa part, accuse les autorités marocaines d’emmener une campagne systématique d’ecxclusion et de pratiques racistes à l’encontre des sahraouis. Originaire de cette région et face à l’abominable, il se sent l’avanie et l’humiliation après avoir gaspillé de multiples efforts en vu d’avoir un emploi et logement. Des droits que les autorités marocaines offrent aux colons marocains jouissant des avantages socio-économiques alors que le peuple sahraoui patauge dans une paupérisation qui frise l’insulte.  


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Nailed, Morocco sets its terrorists in motion against Western Sahara civil population

In a video posted on Youtube, and in a Daesh-like-scenario, a named Said Zalmat, a bearded Moroccan in Islamist hard liner fundamentalist way and the look of a subservient member of a terrorist group, holds a speech full of mouths blows against the Polisario and Algeria. Carrying a Samurai sword, a head bandaged in black with white letters of the Moroccan kingdom official slogan; Allah, homeland, king and dressed in a military uniform, this terrorist hastily comes out of a mountain cave, walks on a rocky hill in the outskirts of The Moroccan city Mekness and begins using and abusing the Islamic terminology to warn and threaten those he qualifies enemies of the territorial integrity of Morocco, namely the Saharawis and Algerians. Straight at the end of his speech full of insatiable hatred, he sets ablaze the flag of the Saharawi Republic and that of Algeria promising their states and peoples a bitter retaliation and horrible repercussions.

Nevertheless, this is not the first time that Rabat monarchical regime sets in motion its terrorists to threaten the Sahrawis amid the full knowledge of the Moroccan security authorities without that the latter take measures to deter these terrorist and extremely dangerous actions. Likewise, not a long time ago a young Moroccan named Amine El Baroudi, affiliated with “Morocco Royalist Youth”, a radical youth organization fabricated by Morocco official apparatus, posted a video (see below) in which he violently attacked the Sahrawi population, threatening them of gruesome revenge, gun at hand. Nevertheless, no law suit was issued against him. 
Even worse, in an article in the Moroccan online newspaper “l’Observateur du Maroc”,” the director of this publication himself Arif Hakim, disguised in a call for a cyber-terrorist war, encourages young Moroccans to commit terrorist actions against the Saharawis http: // 

This scurrilous call to inflict harmful acts against the Saharawi civilian population has been echoed visually this time. In fact, in its news bulletin, the widely viewed local Moroccan TV 2M held the Saharawis students responsible of killing a Moroccan student during the bloody events that took place in Marrakech university campus. An accusation pronounced live before even the release of the final investigation report of Morocco royal prosecutor, not mentioning the court final verdict.
For the colonial regime of Rabat, everything is permitted to defend its occupation of Western Sahara including official state hatred campaign against the Saharawis and the use of terrorism.
Khalil Asmar

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